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Alec Nove said: "Silence. An undeserved epitaph for this most talkative of Soviet leaders."
While on holiday in Georgia, Nikita Khrushchev was summoned by Leonid Brezhnev to an emergency meeting of the Presidium. It quickly became clear that Khrushchev was the target, criticised for his unilateral decisions, "explosiveness," and the "cult of Khrushchev." His policies, particularly in agriculture and Cuba, were condemned. Despite the harsh criticism, Khrushchev offered little resistance, expressing to his friend Anastas Mikoyan that he was tired and ready to step down. The next day, the Presidium demanded his retirement, citing age and health. The Central Committee unanimously voted against him, leading to Brezhnev's rise as First Secretary and Kosygin as Prime Minister. Khrushchev retired quietly, and upon his death, received only a four-line announcement in Pravda, with no official recognition or attendance at his burial.
The Presidium | • Resented his arrogance, his style, his policies • Some felt his anti-Stalinism went too far |
---|---|
Provincial Party Secretaries and Central Committee | • Bitter resentment of reorganisations |
Military | • Resented cuts in military spending and policy of relying on nuclear weapons (was refuted by the Cuban Missile Crisis) |
Professionals/Managers | • Resented enhanced role of the Party and its interference |
Intelligentsia | • Disappointed with the retreat from the thaw after 1962 |
Diplomatic Service | • Appalled by some of his behaviour and use of his son-in-law on diplomatic missions |
Workers | • Alienated by the rise in food prices in 1962 |
Peasants | • Resented disruptive and repeated interventions and failure of policies |
In 1957, Khrushchev was summoned to an emergency meeting with the Presidium by Brezhnev where they condemned his behaviour and style.
The vote to oust him was unanimous and the Presidium demanded that he should voluntarily retire.
When he died in 1971, there was a four-line announcement in the Pravda without any significant comment, demonstrating the lack of connection the public felt to Khrushchev.
Khrushchev argues in his memoirs that his greatest impact on Soviet political life was seen in the fact that instead of being arrested and shot, he was voted out of power by his colleagues.
His argument on the one hand is quite convincing – his Secret Speech at the beginning of his leadership led to the majority of people denouncing Stalin and encouraging many to talk about the huge issues of repression, censorship and violence that dominated Stalin's dictatorship.
Khrushchev led the move away from acts of extreme violence like the NKVD and The Great Terror, freeing thousands from the gulags and exposing Stalin's brutality to the public. However, his argument on the other hand is not convincing – his greatest legacy was not the fact that he was voted out and not shot or arrested.
This only shows that he made a limited impact on society and Russian politics, especially compared to the changes (albeit negative) made by Stalin before. Despite this, the fact that members of the Central Committee and the Presidium could actually face-to-face tell Khrushchev they were voting him out is a huge step up from Stalinist Russia. They were not afraid they themselves would be shot for even insinuating being against their leader. Khrushchev allowed the Committee and Presidium to have a voice and a much stronger say in politics compared to Stalinist Russia.
Khrushchev's Impact on Soviet Politics: Khrushchev argued that being voted out, rather than arrested or shot, marked his greatest impact on Soviet political life. While he did significantly reduce repression and expose Stalin's brutal legacy, this view is debatable. His peaceful ousting may suggest limited influence compared to Stalin's profound, though oppressive, changes. However, Khrushchev undeniably fostered a political environment where dissent was possible, marking a critical shift from the terror of Stalinist Russia.
"After the war, Stalin consolidated his rigid system. Under Khrushchev there was real change." Assess the validity of this view.
Evidence of consolidation
Khrushchev prioritised 'the good of the people' and aimed to improve the lives of ordinary workers. Home aids like washing machines and TVs became more common, and meat consumption rose 55% between 1958-65. Khrushchev allowed and encouraged consumerism in order to increase the quality of life. Wage differences were smaller and the gaps between social classes had been reduced. Housing construction programmes (despite being cheap and not of high quality) had a huge impact on families that used to share just one room, and the educational sector of society improved too – numbers in higher education almost trebled. Under Khrushchev, life mostly improved, despite a few negative outcomes (like the bad harvests of the Virgin Lands and the Maize Obsession).
Khrushchev had a less violent view of religion but was still atheist – anti-religious propaganda was rife and taxes on religious activity increased. Churches and monasteries were closed, and mosques and synagogues were also under attack.
Historiography
Robert Hornby has highlighted that in this era dissent was mostly from workers, not the intelligentsia
The Soviet Procuracy mostly focused on workers in underground groups at this time
Was a gov bureau concerned with pursuing dissenters accused of anti-Soviet agitation and propaganda Novocherkassk
Solidly working-class Ukrainian town
1st June 1962, they rebelled
Reduction in wages and increase in prices coincided
Butter +25%, meat +30%
A passing train had a placard hung on it saying 'cut up Khrushchev for sausages'
The Party HQ were occupied
Troops were brought in
28 killed, 80 injured
Bodies buried overnight in unmarked graves
The Square where the shootings took place was asphalted over that night
There was a News Blackout
This was only reported 30 years later
The nature of this protest was typical of the Khrushchev era Overall protests
Estimated that 500,000 people protested during the yeas 1953-64
According to Ludmilla Alexeyeva these years were an 'incubation period where people began to learn about the problems of Soviet life.'
Stalin
Largely spontaneous and volatile
Often centred on angry peasants and workers Khrushchev
Involved both workers and peasants and a few members of the intelligentsia
Did not act together, however Brezhnev
More legalistic and sober criticism
Mainly from a small proportion of intelligentsia in the big cities Dealing with dissent
Workers' demands were relieved through a cap on prices and increased consumer goods
Despite increasing cost of production
Caused huge economic problems
Intelligentsia and political dissent was rooted out through a deep network of informants
After the 1956 Hungarian Uprising, more people were jailed in 1957-58 than at any other time since Stalin's death
The idea that Khrushchev was somewhat more liberal is a clear exaggeration
The USSR was still a very authoritarian state
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